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China

IDF OPERATION
Israel is perceived as an important part of the Western, American-centric world. Consequently, relations with Israel are seen as a component of an intricate set of strategies in the multi-vector foreign policy of Central Asian governments. This policy aims to maintain a delicate balance, primarily in the triangle of relations among the three key powers in Eurasia: China, Russia and the West.
China has become a major player in the MENA region, and its soft power projection strategy plays a key role. Confucius Institutes are a highly visible manifestation of this strategy, and they have been welcomed by many in the region and beyond. However, there are concerns about their lack of transparency and potential to be used for propaganda purposes. While these concerns have caused Western governments and institutions to close several Confucius Institutes down, their numbers continue to grow in the MENA region.
JASDF Air Review 2020 Japan Ministry of Defense
Japan has stated that it will broaden its defense policy, a sign of growing concerns in Tokyo about the threat of North Korean and Chinese aggression. The change of policy also reflects the continued influence of the late Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who expanded Japan’s definition of what constitutes acts of self defense.
China may have no short-term interest in contributing to guaranteeing security in parts of a swath of land stretching from Central Asia to the East coast of Africa, but that does not prevent the People’s Republic from preparing for a time when it may wish to build on longstanding political and military relationships in various parts of the world to project power and maintain an economic advantage.
Following the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan, Washington is allegedly trying to reestablish a military presence in Central Asia, similar to what it did in the early 2000s. Though some level of cooperation is possible with Russia within the framework of great power relations (and much still depends on Moscow’s goodwill), China opposes any American military or security expansion near its restive Xinjiang province.
More than a year and a half after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the way in which its causative virus first emanated remains unclear. While new viruses appearing within humans usually derive from animal viruses, a series of exceptional coincidences in Wuhan, China prior to and during the onset of the pandemic strongly support the laboratory leak theory.
The US is no longer the country that recovered from the Pearl Harbor disaster and won WWII, or that both morally and economically sustained itself throughout its prolonged ideological conflict with the Soviet Union. The people of the once great country are confused and disoriented. Once America’s feet of clay crumble, the colossus will never rise again. 
The Kremlin's fixation on competing with the West might cost Russia dearly, as its clout in Central Asia is under strain from a rising China. Moscow will try to mitigate the tilting balance of power by applying methods of the post-liberal world order to the region. China and Russia might reach a condominium in which issues of economy and security are subdivided between them.
The announced withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan could represent an opportunity for Beijing to expand its geopolitical influence westward. This would be fraught with security risks for Xinjiang and Central Asia. Beijing might be creative in how it manages the Afghan problem, possibly establishing a quartet of states that share not only security and economic interests but a deep revulsion toward an America-led world order.
Ever since America’s rivalry with the Soviets came to an end in the 1990s, the US has struggled to determine what its global position should be. It could be that a rival is necessary for the US to clarify its goals and revitalize its stagnating position on the world stage. China could play the role of necessary rival.

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