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US Foreign and Defense Policy

The 1989 essay โ€œThe End of History,โ€ by American political scientist Francis Fukuyama, has been both celebrated and maligned for its prediction that the future would unfold with centuries of comparative โ€œboredom,โ€ as the American-led international system had no viable challengers remaining. The Trump administrationโ€™s Nuclear Posture Review represents a complete repudiation of Fukuyamaโ€™s world model. But more importantly, it is the first official warning from Washington that there may be a return of great power conflicts, which were a fixture of less stable eras in modern world history. The only solution, according to the Pentagon, is to restore Americaโ€™s strategic edge, which waned under the Obama administration.
Scholars disagree as to whether there exists a liberalizing global political order that has been preserved through American hegemony since World War II (often referred to as the โ€œliberal world orderโ€). Still, it is generally agreed upon that the US has been the dominant power in global affairs since at least the fall of the Soviet Union. With the release of the Trump administrationโ€™s National Defense Strategy, the US Department of Defense is weighing in on this debate. Specifically, it has announced that American security policy is shifting from counterterrorism in the Middle East to strategizing against rising world powers like China. The reason for this pivot, according to the Pentagon, is the need to protect the current world order from states that seek to revise it.
The adverse implications of US withdrawal from the Middle East are manifold, including: the acceleration of Tehranโ€™s drive to regional hegemony, the palpable risk of regional nuclear proliferation following the JCPOA, the spread of jihadist Islam, and Russiaโ€™s growing penetration of the region. Manifest US weakness is also bound to have ripple effects far beyond the Middle East.

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