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North Korea

The sanctions imposed on North Korea have a humanitarian cost of which most members of the general public in the sanctioning nations are not aware, and which is almost never discussed. This cost, and its implications not only for North Korea but for other sanctioned nations, should be brought to the forefront when decisions about sanctions are being made.
The June 30, 2019 meeting between President Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un at Panmunjom, the border between North and South Korea, reignited negotiations between North Korea and the US on the Singapore agreement. The gap between Washington and Pyongyang remains huge. The negotiation team will have to find new ways to weave together North Korea's Yongbyon offer and Washingtonโ€™s demand for full disarmament.
I recently visited North Korea โ€“ a choice viewed by some as an automatic legitimization of the regime, though visits by foreigners do not by any means connote blanket approval of the government. On the contrary: they provide an opportunity to view the country first-hand and draw oneโ€™s own conclusions. The visitor must always bear in mind, however, that the view the government permits him to have of the country is closely proscribed.
North Korea has found itself at a nuclear crossroads more than once, but the Trump-Pompeo-Bolton triumvirate significantly alters the current dynamic. The primary external forces acting on Pyongyangโ€™s nuclear decision-making are China, Iran, and the US. The Americans could well prove effective against an aggressively antagonistic Iran.
The Donald Trump-Kim Jong-un summit coming up in Hanoi at the end of this month will focus on finding ways to implement the process that began at the first summit in Singapore. Trump and Kim will try to find a win-win compromise that does not require a complete, verifiable, and irreversible dismantlement (CVID) in the short run. The success or failure of the second summit will influence the South Korean political arena as well.
The Korean conflict has divided more than the two Koreas. It has also prompted the creation of opposing โ€œblame narrativesโ€ among scholars, policymakers, and journalists. The election of Donald Trump, and the 2018 Singapore summit between Trump and North Koreaโ€™s Kim Jong-un, challenged those narratives and forced some of the actors to reconsider their political agendas.ย 
The inter-Korean negotiations and upcoming summits between Pyongyang and Seoul and President Trump offer a window of opportunity for Israel to try to prevent the continuation of North Korean military exports to the Middle East. Israel should consider how and when to offer this initiative and how to overcome the regional constraints. An Israeli initiative of this kind could serve as a win-win situation for all parties.
North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile tests during the Kim Jong-un era have strengthened the countryโ€™s military power, deterring South Korea, Japan, and, in particular, the United States. While North Korea's nuclear and missile capabilities are rapidly improving, parallel developments are not occurring in the traditionally technical air and air defense forces. Plagued with aging airframes, technical problems, part shortages, and budget shortfalls, the North Korean Air Force no longer challenges the South Korean and American air forces. While North Korea will not be able to build its own state-of-the-art aircraft industry, it will nonetheless find creative ways to strengthen its air force capabilities.

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