Search
Close this search box.

Palestinian Authority

Q:ย ย  In 2005, Mahmoud Abbas was elected to a four-year term as president of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Thirteen years later he remains in the position without having held any further elections. While the date of his departure cannot be predicted, scenarios for the new leadership of the PA are already being examined. BESA joins the debate by posing the question: Would a change in the PAโ€™s leadership affect the peace process?
Following the recognition of Jerusalem as Israelโ€™s capital by US President Donald Trump, President of the Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas is counting on the EU to support his cause. In his January 2018 meeting with EU High Representative Federica Mogherini, he was assured โ€œof the firm commitment of the EU to the two-state solution, with Jerusalem as shared capital of the two states โ€“ the State of Israel and the State of Palestineโ€. However, it remains questionable whether the EU has the necessary gravitas to play a catalytic political role in the peace process. BESA joins the debate by posing the question: Can Mahmoud Abbas achieve anything in Europe?
During Indian PM Narendra Modiโ€™s visit to Israel in July 2017, India finally ended its long practice that dignitaries who visit Israel must also travel to the Palestinian-controlled territories. On February 10, 2018, he conducted a landmark visit to Ramallah, the first such visit by an Indian PM โ€“ and did not visit Israel. This โ€œde-hyphenationโ€ of Israel-Palestine reflects Modiโ€™s pragmatic and sensible approach to relations with the two entities.
The PA and Hamas are hopeful that unorganized Palestinian youth will mobilize against President Trumpโ€™s declaration acknowledging that Jerusalem is Israelโ€™s capital. A groundswell from the streets would preclude the necessity for the two organizations to actively take the lead. However, the readers of al-Quds, the Palestinian silent majority, are loath to sacrifice their sons on behalf of the warring factions.
Measured IDF policy towards the Palestinians does not reflect leftist leanings in the IDF high command or fear of the ICC. The main driver of IDF policy is a sensible cost-benefit analysis. The benefits of a much harsher line, in terms of reducing the current occasional pattern of violence, are uncertain, but the costs would certainly be high โ€“ not least in terms of opportunities to boost Israel's relations with key players around the world. These considerations have now withstood the test of the dramatic events on the Temple Mount, and proved as relevant as ever.
Thanks to his struggle against Israel, Mahmoud Abbas is a political superstar. Many heads of NATO states can only dream of his access to great leaders. As long as Abbas does not make peace with Israel, he meets US presidents with almost the same frequency as the prime minister of Great Britain. If he does make peace, he might suffer the fate of Jordanโ€™s kings, who meet the US president far less after having signed the Israel-Jordan peace treaty than they did before.
Lectures delivered (in Hebrew) at a June conference on โ€œThe Day After Abbas: Wither the Palestinian Authority?โ€ The conference dealt with the expected battle for succession in the PA, Israelโ€™s diplomatic dilemmas, and likely international scenarios.
While partition of the Land of Israel between the Jews and the Arabs living in this small part of the world is desirable, the Palestinian national movement has proved to be the wrong partner to implement partition and is largely responsible for the failure of the two state solution. Conflict management is the only approach that has a chance to minimize suffering on both sides and achieve a modicum of stability in a stormy Middle East.

Accessibility Toolbar