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Search Results for: Global and regional powers – Page 5

The recent reconciliation agreement between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia dismayed many Israeli policymakers, analysts, and journalists. The agreement suggests that Saudi Arabia is steering away from its course of rapprochement with Israel and cuddling up to the ayatollahs, thereby eroding Israelโ€™s geostrategic position in the Middle East. But the widespread assessment of this development as entirely bad for Israel is short-sighted.
China may have no short-term interest in contributing to guaranteeing security in parts of a swath of land stretching from Central Asia to the East coast of Africa, but that does not prevent the Peopleโ€™s Republic from preparing for a time when it may wish to build on longstanding political and military relationships in various parts of the world to project power and maintain an economic advantage.
The shrinking of the American presence in Eurasia will accelerate the creation of new spheres of influence. The US will still be a prominent player, but its power will be significantly curtailed and the global institutions it has built will decayโ€”the inevitable result of illiberal states ganging up on the last remnants of the liberal order remaining in the heart of Eurasia.
Ever since Americaโ€™s rivalry with the Soviets came to an end in the 1990s, the US has struggled to determine what its global position should be. It could be that a rival isย necessary for the US to clarify its goals and revitalize its stagnating position on the world stage. China could play the role of necessary rival.
President Biden is keen to resuscitate the foreign policy of Barack Obama and return to the Iran nuclear deal. But Iran, which remains focused on its goal of becoming the regional hegemon, is no more worthy of trust today than it was during Obamaโ€™s administration.
Iranโ€™s hegemony scheme for the Middle East not only includes surrounding Israel with missile bases and heavily armed proxies, but also equipping territories further away, such as Iraq and Yemen, to be future bases of attack. Behind the scenes, and despite its severe economic distress due to US sanctions, Iran is working constantly to infiltrate and consolidate its presence in lands with partial or failed sovereignty, or, in the case of Syria, ruled by an ally.
The incoming Biden administration has begun to appoint personnel and articulate policies, both directly and through the extended voice of the foreign policy establishment and the media. The return of second-tier Obama administration personnel and the marginalization of left-wing progressives portends a return to the process-laden policies of the past. International agreements and institutions, and a return to 20thย century โ€œrulesโ€ and โ€œnormsโ€, are unlikely to be adequate to confront rogue states like China and Iran.
Despite their desire to evict sectarianism from their countryโ€™s corrupt government, Lebanese civilians are likely to see increased tensions across religious lines. Iran will continue to back Hezbollah despite its regional weakening, while Turkey and Qatar will play a bigger counterbalancing role by increasing their influence on the Sunni community.

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