PSCRP-BESA Reports No 21 (December 24, 2023)
Currently, Russia is in the process of forming a new state ideology, one that holds conservative values. The Russian Orthodox Church plays a significant role within this ideology. Consequently, the political significance of conservative circles within the Russian Orthodox Church concerning the Jewish question is becoming pronounced.
Efforts by Patriarch Alexy II (1990-2008) in the early 1990s to introduce a more liberal approach to Judaism within the Russian Orthodox Church faced staunch resistance among church conservatives. As a consequence, the Patriarch was compelled to adopt conservative positions on the Jewish question. A significant intellectual and media figure in the Russian Orthodox Church during Patriarch Alexy II’s tenure was Deacon Kuraev, who was considered a “church liberal.” Nevertheless, even he published an anti-Semitic book in 1998, “How an Anti-Semite Is Made.” This work supports the myth suggesting that the Communist International was predominantly Jewish and it suggests that the March 8 holiday was introduced to replace Purim.
In the early 1990s, the leader of Orthodox fundamentalists and anti-Semites was Metropolitan bishop John (Snychev) of St. Petersburg and Ladoga (passed away in 1995). It was during those years that future President Putin, then living in St. Petersburg, turned to Orthodox Christianity. Metropolitan John was personally acquainted with Putin (although it should be noted that the relationship between the Metropolitan and Putin’s patron Sobchak was not easy).
Metropolitan John’s books, particularly “The Autocracy of the Spirit” (1993), speak of the “intense religious hatred” of Jews towards Russians. He believed that the Jewish struggle against the Christian church permeates entire history, and argued that Jews seek to hasten the coming of the Antichrist (as he interpreted the Jewish Messiah). In this regard, he repeatedly cites “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.”
Putin quoted from John’s books. For instance, his words, spoken at Seliger on July 31, 2012, in front youth activists about the special role of Orthodoxy in the history of the formation of the Russian state under Prince Vladimir, were almost a verbatim quote from Metropolitan John’s book “The Autocracy of the Spirit”.
A key politically influential figure for modern church conservatives is Metropolitan Tikhon (Shevkunov). For a long time, Tikhon had been the abbot of the Sretensky Monastery in Moscow, later he received the rank of Metropolitan of Pskov, and since October 2023, he has been Metropolitan of Simferopol and Crimea. As the head of the Sretensky Monastery, located next to the FSB building in Lubyanka, Tikhon has established numerous connections and influence among high-ranking FSB officers. The press refers to Tikhon as the president’s “spiritual mentor and confessor”. However, Tikhon consistently avoids commenting publicly this matter.
In 2019, the liberal “Novaya Gazeta” revealed that Tikhon receives funding for his educational, historical, religious and similar projects from almost all state corporations. According to the publication, “Tikhon managed to involve all major corporations in his projects, while even the patriarch is content with just a few.” This is further proof of Tikhon’s special relationship with President Putin.
Tikhon’s conservative views are evidenced by his ties to Orthodox oligarch Konstantin Malofeev, the owner of the Tsargrad channel and acknowledged sponsor of the initial stage of the 2014 war in Donbass. Shevkunov is linked to Malofeev through the St. Basil the Great Foundation, established by the oligarch. Tikhon is a member of the board of trustees of this foundation.
The Metropolitan’s worldview is brilliantly exemplified in his documentaries, “The Fall of the Empire: A Byzantine Lesson” (2008) and “The Fall of the Empire: A Russian Lesson” (2021), where Tikhon Shevkunov acted as screenwriter and narrator. Both films were repeatedly broadcast on Russian federal channels during prime time.
The documentaries extol the ideals of a strong state, monarchy, and anti-Western sentiment. In the film “The Fall of the Empire: A Byzantine Lesson,” it is argued that the wealth of the West was accumulated by looting the treasures of Constantinople. In the same film, Tikhon makes an anti-Semitic statement that Jews traded Christian relics taken from Constantinople by the Crusaders.
The second documentary, “The Fall of the Empire: A Russian Lesson,” consistently idealizes the Russian Empire before the Revolution, especially the figure of Nicholas II. The documentary promotes a somewhat veiled suggestion that the conspiracy against Emperor Nicholas II was orchestrated by international (British) Masonic circles. Responsibility for the revolution in Russia is placed on the Russian intelligentsia. The documentary also subtly hints at the Jewish involvement in the revolution. The idea of the special responsibility of Jews for the Russian revolution is implicitly introduced by quoting the well-known anti-Semitic author Vladimir Soloukhin.
The most consistent and overt elements of anti-Semitism can be found in Tikhon’s attitude toward the “Tsar-worshipers” movement. These people regard Nicholas II as a sacred figure equal to Jesus Christ, and consider the execution of the Emperor’s family by the Bolsheviks in 1918 as a “ritual murder committed by an occult Jewish organization and part of the Judeo-Masonic conspiracy.” Specifically, this secret organization suspects the involvement of Jacob Schiff, a prominent American banker and philanthropist.
Tikhon played a key role in uniting the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) with the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia (ROCOR). The version of the ritual murder of the Tsar by Bolshevik Jews originated within the ROCOR in the 1920s. The ROCOR has always been a haven for the most anti-liberal and anti-Semitic sentiments, spreading myths about a “global Judeo-Masonic conspiracy.”
The remains of the imperial family were discovered in 1991 and 2007, and in 1998 a ceremonial burial took place in St. Petersburg. However, the Russian Orthodox Church has not yet officially recognized the authenticity of these remains. One of the obstacles is the in the belief in the ritual murder of the imperial family, widespread among Orthodox hierarchs. According to this version, the “ritual murderers” beheaded the Emperor and Empress.
In September 2015, the Investigative Committee of Russia resumed the investigation of the death of the imperial family, specifically to officially examine the version of ritual murder. At the same time, the Patriarchate formed a church commission headed by Tikhon.
During a public discussion, Tikhon stated, “We take the version of ritual murder very seriously. Moreover, a significant part of the church commission [involved in investigating the execution of the imperial family along with the Investigative Committee] has no doubts that this was indeed the case.”
Tikhon’s statement prompted protests from the Federation of Jewish Communities of Russia (FEOR), which forced the cleric to tone down his words. In particular, he noted that he was not referring to “the nationality or religious affiliation of those who carried out the executions.”
The official investigation ended in 2017, recognizing the remains of the royal family as authentic and thus dismissing the version about ritual nature of their murder. Following this, Tikhon Shevkunov, who heads the website Pravoslavie.ru, began to publish the materials of the investigation on said website. Among these was a document titled “Questions posed to the investigation and expert groups by the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, experts, and representatives of the Orthodox community.” This document contained a demand to “verify the possibility of a ritual murder of the Imperial Family” and asked “whether the investigation has any other explanations related to the ‘Kabbalistic signs.’” Certain mysterious symbols found on the wall were considered evidence of ritual murder and were labelled as “Kabbalistic” by anti-Semites. Furthermore, Pravoslavie.ru did not shy away from suggesting that the organizers allegedly brought the severed heads of Nicholas II and his wife Alexandra Feodorovna to Moscow to one of the Bolshevik leaders, Yakov Sverdlov (who was of Jewish origin).
As a consequence, Father Tikhon popularized the version of the ritual murder of the royal family among broad segments of Orthodox believers, which naturally contributed to the spread of anti-Semitism among Orthodox Christians and, more broadly, in Russian society. Although government agencies have recognized the authenticity of the discovered remains, the Russian Orthodox Church has not. Many experts believe that without this recognition, it would be difficult to explain why the heads of the Tsar and Tsarina were not severed, which could refute arguments in favour of ritual murder.
Metropolitan Tikhon is considered a key candidate for the post of Patriarch should the current Patriarch Kirill vacate the position. According to a series of reports by Minchenko Consulting “Politburo 2.0,” Metropolitan Tikhon and Patriarch Kirill have long been part of Putin’s informal inner circle, shaping the ideological landscape in Russia.
The current Patriarch Kirill has long sought to promote the ideology of religious conservatism without delving into conspiracy theories or anti-Semitism. However, the shift in power dynamics within the Russian elite following the defeat of the “white ribbon revolution” (2011) and the end of Medvedev’s nominal presidency (2012) resulted in a strengthening of the patriarch’s conservative positions. In 2012, during a visit to Poland, Patriarch Kirill honoured the relics of Gabriel of Bialystok (a saint allegedly “martyred by Jews” whose veneration has been officially discontinued by the Catholic Church). By doing so, Patriarch Kirill endorsed the medieval theory attributing ritual murders of Christians to the Jews. In addition, Patriarch Kirill did not object to maintaining the theory that the Russian imperial family was ritually murdered by Jews, although he has never been its chief defender.
During a speech in Vyatka on June 24, 2016, Patriarch Kirill defended Joseph of Volotsk, a medieval Russian saint who fought the so-called “heresy of the Judaizers“. He cautiously supported the theory that the emergence of the “Judaizers” was the result of an international conspiracy against Russia. According to the anti-Semitic theory, notably present in the books by Metropolitan John, the heresy of the Judaizers, designed to destroy the Orthodox kingdom, was brought to Novgorod by the Jewish figure Zachariah from the West. Joseph of Volotsk urged secular authorities to persecute and burn those who deviated from Orthodox teachings, as well as heretics (including Jews) who “seduced” Orthodox believers with heretical teachings.
Modern religious conservatives in Russia justify the introduction of mass terror during the reign of Ivan the Terribl as a response to the alleged heresy of the Judaizers, despite the significant chronological gap between these events.
After the outbreak of a full-scale armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine in 2022, Patriarch Kirill fully aligned himself with Putin’s policy on this subject.
Elements of anti-Semitism can also be found in the works of Orthodox Christian author Ivan Ilyin (1883–1954), who is considered Putin’s favorite philosopher. The president has repeatedly quoted Ilyin, including in his presidential addresses to the Federal Assembly. In particular, in 2022 Putin concluded his speech with a quote from Ivan Ilyinat the ceremony of signing agreements on the incorporation into Russia of four territories (Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics, as well as Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions) seized from Ukraine.
Putin likes to emphasize that Ilyin was a true Russian patriot. He often cites Ilyin’s work “What the Russian Revolution Portends for the World.” In it, the philosopher warns that the division of a great country will inevitably lead to catastrophe.
In 2005, Ilyin’s remains were brought and reburied in Russia at the cemetery of the Donskoy Monastery in Moscow. The headstone on the philosopher’s grave was erected at Putin’s personal expense. In 2006, Ilyin’s archive was brought to Russia with the financial support of businessmen loyal to the authorities. In 2009, Putin laid flowers at Ilyin’s grave at the Donskoy Monastery cemetery.
Ilyin collaborated with the Nazis and is considered a propagandist of Russian fascism and an anti-Semite.
In 1928, Ilyin penned an article, “On Russian Fascism,” in which he praised Mussolini’s fascism and compared it to the Russian White Movement. When Hitler came to power, Ilyin became the head of the Russian Scientific Institute in Berlin. In May 1933, he wrote the article “National Socialism. A New Spirit.” In it, Ilyin notably refused to consider Hitler’s rise to power in Germany “from the perspective of German Jews”. The article also stated that Hitler’s merit lay in halting the process of Bolshevization of Germany, which, according to Ilyin, had done the greatest service to the entire Europe. By 1934, however, he had been removed from his post in Berlin. In private letters, Ilyin wrote that he was fired for refusing to preach Nazis’[1] racial theory because he was more of a Christian conservative than a Nazi. He moved from Germany to Switzerland in 1938. Nevertheless, after the end of World War II, in 1948, Ilyin wrote a paper titled “On Fascism.” In it, his sympathizing with fascism is still evident, although Ilyin points out some of its shortcomings, particularly its rejection of Christianity.
So what ideology do influential church conservatives offer to the Russian state? For conservatives in the Russian Orthodox Church, the country’s history is presented as a series of globally significant conspiracies, usually involving Jews. These conspiracies must be suppressed or they will lead Russia to demise. Conservatives refer to Smuta (“the Time of Troubles”) in the early 17th century, the 1917 revolution, and the collapse of the USSR as examples of such demise. Church conservatives usually points to various conspirators behind these events: the “Judeo-Bolsheviks,” the “Judeo-Masons,” and so on.
To suppress these conspiracies and save the country, according to conservatives in the Russian Orthodox Church, a harsh political regime and terror are necessary. They point to figures such as Ivan the Terrible and Stalin as examples to be followed by the Russian authorities. The terror is justified by imaginary conspiracies. Unfortunately, this ideology resonates strongly with former intelligence officers who occupy key positions in the contemporary Russian political system, who also prefer to think in terms of conspiracy theory. The spread of such ideology could be dangerous for Russian Jews and threaten Russia’s relations with Israel.
[1] Шапиров А.М. Русский мыслитель Иван Александрович Ильин. 2008.