Perspectives Papers

Perspectives Papers provide analysis from BESA Center research associates and other outside experts on the most important issues pertaining to Israel and the Middle East.

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The current strengthening of relations between India and Japan demonstrates a change in both countries’ foreign and security policy. Each side sees the other as an important element in balancing China and creating an alliance that could replace the US, should it ultimately decide to retreat from Asia. New Delhi and Tokyo have expanded cooperation in security and economic sectors, participated in joint military exercises, and engaged actively in the Quad forum, which is aimed at countering the Chinese threat and maintaining regional stability. Japan's defense policy changes and the growing US presence in the Indo-Pacific support this partnership, reinforcing their joint commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific region.
The claim that Israel’s war in Gaza is driven by a desire to control Gaza's oil and gas resources has spread widely on social media and news platforms over the past year. However, Gaza has no known oil reserves and only one small, undeveloped offshore gas field, which Israel has never claimed. Surprisingly, this disinformation traces back to an official 2019 report by a UN agency (UNCTAD) that contained numerous false statements and unsubstantiated figures about non-existent energy reserves that were provided to it by known conspiracy theorists. Despite multiple analyses debunking every part of the report, the UN has not retracted it. This article examines the sources of the Gaza oil myth and points to deliberate attempts by the UNCTAD to fuel the false narrative of Israel seizing non-existent Palestinian oil.
The US presidential election in November 2024 will have a major impact on Asia. It will influence the US military presence as well as the balance of power in the region, and will affect the economies of the Asian countries. Joe Biden’s decision to leave the race and the elevation of Kamala Harris as the Democratic party candidate have forced Tokyo and Seoul to recalculate their policies towards Washington and the region.
IDF Spokesperson
Many commentators claim that Israel lacks a clear plan for “the day after” the end of the Iron Swords War. They argue that because of this supposed lack, Israel will not be able to hold onto its military achievements during the war, which will remain merely tactical. But Israel is not playing a short-term game. Beyond its declared war goals, Israel is aiming to create a new security reality in the region by weakening Iran and its proxies. This broader goal stems from the understanding that to Israel, this war is existential, and the removal of significant threats from Israel’s borders is non-negotiable. Israel understands that it cannot impose plans or political proposals on its opponents, be they Palestinian or Lebanese – but by demonstrating its clear military superiority over them, Israel will improve its position in future negotiations. Finally, there is potential for new regional arrangements, including normalization with more Arab countries, if Israel succeeds in significantly weakening the Iranian threat. If Israel can show potential allies major military achievements against a common enemy, it can suggest a political plan that will improve its position in the region – but not before then. For Israel there is no end game, only a long game.
Serious errors, vague corrections and omissions of information have appeared in the pages of The New York Times throughout the Israel-Hamas war. The Times is considered a “newspaper of record” and a reliable source of information, and is read by leaders and elites around the world. The paper has nevertheless committed a series of repeated errors about the war, invariably at Israel’s expense, despite editorial promises to apply extra scrutiny. The errors and omissions created false context and lacked transparency. This report focuses on the Al-Ahli Hospital explosion, reports of civilian casualties, the Times’s continued employment of questionable journalists, and testimonials from inside the newsroom.
It appears that the Western powers do not intend to exceed the parameters they have set for themselves in terms of military activity against Houthi rebel strongholds. Alarmingly, the West would prefer to be enslaved to the formula according to which only treatment of root causes – i.e, the cessation of the war in Gaza – will result in the cessation of the Houthis' violent disruption of security in international shipping lanes. This serves the interests of the Houthis’ state sponsor and terrorist enabler, Iran, and ensures the continuation of the Houthi threat to international shipping and to Israel.
The IDF’s recent spectacular successes in the north, while refreshing and very much worthy of praise, also revealed limitations. The pager operations were not carried out as part of a broad move; neither was the elimination of Aqil and his gang. Precision factories in Lebanon were not destroyed in the manner of the destruction of the Syrian facility in Masyaf. Years spent fighting the war on terror and the “war between the wars” have influenced Israeli strategic thinking. Hezbollah is a military force, but the war is still being conducted as a series of counter-terrorism operations.
The US has spent months trying to pressure Israel into a long-term ceasefire with Hamas that would serve American interests by reducing the danger of regional war that could drag in the US. But Washington’s view of a ceasefire in Gaza and subsequent regional de-escalation fails to address three of Israel’s critical security needs: to ensure the IDF’s freedom of operation in Gaza to prevent Hamas from regrouping; to counter Hezbollah’s massive military-terrorist infrastructure and stop its 11-month-long assault on northern Israel; and to thwart Iran’s nuclear ambitions, which are intended to provide a protective cover to the entire jihadist Iranian axis.

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